domingo, 21 de septiembre de 2008

Invitaciones a Costa Rica para ser parte de UNCITRAL y Conferencias de La Haya

Invitación para ser parte de UNCITRAL y de la Conferencia de La Haya de Derecho Internacional Privado


Costa Rica ha sido invitado a ser parte tanto de la Comisión de las Naciones Unidas para el Derecho Mercantil Internacional (UNCITRAL -ver www.uncitral.org-) y de la Conferencia de La Haya de Derecho Internacional Privado (ver www.hcch.net) y en ambos casos no ha accionado los mecanismos necearios para aceptar dichas invitaciones que tan cordialmente ha realizado el Secretario General de UNCITRAL para la primera y el Reino de los Países Bajos en el segundo caso.


Como vimos en una publicación anterior en éste Blog, una de las principales razones para la “mala nota” sacada por el país en el campo de ratificación e implementación de instrumentos internacionales que promuevan el comercio internacional es precisamente la casi nula participación del país en las instituciones que al día de hoy se encargan de realizar tratados referentes a ésta temática. Entes como la UNCITRAL y la Conferencia de La Haya son foros de altísima relevancia en donde la participación de cada país es indispensable para que los diversos cuerpos normativos que emergen del seno de cada institución representen los intereses de las naciones y las distintas tradiciones jurídicas existentes. Cuando un país decide no participar en ésto, elimina la posibilidad de influenciar el resultado final y consecuentemente su población quede sin representación en el ámbito de la creación de legislación global que permite la uniformización del derecho, la cual es de manera ya evidente la tendencia actual del planeta.


En el caso de UNCITRAL, Costa Rica fue invitada directamente por el Secretaro General de la institución, el Sr. Jernej Sekolec en carta del 13 de noviembre del 2007, presentada en varias ocasiones tanto al Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores y Culto así como finalmente al Ministerio de Comercio Exterior (COMEX), ésto último por gestión del suscrito mediante cartas presentadas en ventanilla de la institución pública el 05 de septiembre del presente año a las 3:55pm. La gestión ante UNCITRAL se realizó el año pasado en razón de la participación de mi persona en un congreso en Viena, Austria (“Un Derecho Moderno para el Comercio Global”) debido a que se presentó una reunión informal de países centroamericanos en donde no existió participación alguna de representantes de Costa Rica. Ante lo anterior, realicé la representación “no oficial” del país advirtiendo mi carácter de académico para lo cual muy afortunadamente se obtuvo luego de dicha reunión la invitación por parte de la ayuda del Secretario administrativo de UNCITRAL Luca Castellani, quien solicitó posteriormente al Sr. Sekolec la carta que se entregaría posteriomente a COMEX.


Debo mencionar que luego de una gran confusión sobre el ente que debería relacionarse con UNCITRAL, sea esto Relaciones Exteriores o COMEX, es en éste último en donde se determinó que debe darse respuesta a la gestión realizada. Sin embargo, al día de hoy no ha existido comunicación alguna con UNCITRAL ni se ha dado respuesta a la carta entregada por mi persona lo cual evidencia una vez más la desidia con la que la problemática del comercio internacional desde la perspectiva privada se presenta en Costa Rica.


Por el otro lado, el caso más triste se muestra con la honrosa invitación hecha por el Reino de los Países Bajos para que Costa Rica se haga parte de la Conferencia de La Haya de Derecho Internacional Privado. Esto pues son varios años ya los que han transcurrido sin resultados positivos. El gobierno holandés promovió por medio del Decreto Real del 20 de febrero de 1897, el apoyo constante a la Conferencia, lo cual garantiza el apoyo estatal del país de su sede. Las sesiones ordinarias tienen lugar cada 4 años en la Oficina Permanente de La Haya. Dicha oficina se compone de un Secretario General y dos secretarios de nacionalidad diversa nombrados por Holanda. Los gastos de funcionamiento se reparten entre los miembros, siendo la cuota anual sumamente baja, de aproximadamente $7500.

El Proyecto de ley número 15332 publicado en La Gaceta número 162 del 25 de agosto del 2003, en el cual se pretende que nuestro país se adhiera al Estatuto de la Conferencia está desde hace muchos años totalmente paralizado en la Comisión Permanente de Relaciones Internacionales de la Asamblea Legislativa. Cabe resaltar que hasta ahora, Costa Rica sin ser parte de la Conferencia ha incorporado en su ordenamiento las sobre los aspectos civiles de la sustracción internacional de menores (Ley Nº 7746, de 23 de febrero de 1998) y sobre la protección del niño y a la cooperación en materia de adopción internacional, (Ley Nº 7517).


El proyecto de ley determina literalmente lo siguiente en la exposición de motivos:

“Cabe destacar que mediante nota del ministro de Relaciones Exteriores del Reino de los Países Bajos, el Excelentísimo señor j.j VAN Aartsen, en calidad de presidente del Consejo de Representantes Diplomáticos de los Estados miembros de la Conferencia de la Haya de Derecho Internacional Privado, con fecha 2 de noviembre de 2000, dirigida al Ingeniero Roberto Rojas López a la sazón Ministro de Relaciones Exteriores y Culto, se invitó a la República de Costa Rica a ser miembro de la Conferencia de la Haya sobre Derecho Internacional Privado, con el apoyo unánime de dicho Consejo.

El 23 de noviembre de 2000, la Secretaría de la Conferencia de la Haya tuvo el honor de recibir al presidente de la República de Costa Rica a la sazón doctor Miguel Ángel Rodríguez Echeverría, quien agradeció la invitación a ser parte de esta prestigiosa organización internacional.

Mediante Nota diplomática Nº 123-01-AM de fecha 21 de setiembre de 2001, el ingeniero Roberto Rojas como canciller de la República, expresó formalmente el interés de Costa Rica de ser parte de dicha organización internacional.

Dentro de este orden de ideas, mediante Nota Nº 20086(02)VL/KH, de 6 de setiembre de 2002, dirigida al Embajador de Costa Rica en La Haya, Señor Edgar Ugalde Álvarez y firmada por el Dr. Hans van Loon, Secretario General de la Conferencia de la Haya de Derecho Internacional Privado, se informa que al final del período de seis meses estipulado en el artículo 2 del Estatuto, Costa Rica ha sido admitida como Miembro de la Conferencia por unanimidad, a propuesta del Reino de los Países Bajos.

Asimismo, señala que al tenor de lo dispuesto en el artículo 2 y 14 del Estatuto, la admisión definitiva de un miembro se perfecciona por la aceptación del Estatuto por parte del Estado interesado, cuya declaración de aceptación del Estatuto debe ser depositada en el Gobierno de los Países Bajos, que lo hará del conocimiento de los Gobiernos de los Estados Miembros.”



Al día de hoy, como se mencionó la invitación ha quedado paralizada en el Congreso y el país ha quedado muy mal parado frente a la organización internacional pues nunca ratificó la aprobación del tratado constitutivo. Esto genera que nunca podrá Costa Rica participar en la redacción y debate de los múltiples temas que posteriormente resultan en instrumentos internacionales de alta relevancia mundial.



Es urgente por ello la participación activa del país, aceptando tanto la invitación de UNCITRAL, por cierto sin costo alguno para el país así como la ratificación del tratado constitutivo de la Conferencia de La Haya de Derecho Internacional Privado.  

Costa Rica saca muy mala nota en tratados de comercio internacional

Costa Rica saca muy mala nota en adhesión a tratados relevantes

en materia comercial internacional


Muy desafortunadamente y en confirmación a la crítica que hemos realizado anteriormente en éste Blog, Costa Rica ha salido bastante mal calificada en cuanto a la adhesión y evidentemente ratificación de instrumentos internacionales relacionados con la promoción del comercio internacional, en particular en el campo de las relaciones privadas con efectos globales. En ésta oportunidad la evaluación fue realizada por parte del Centro de Comercio Internacional (ITC) la agencia de cooperación técnica tanto de la Organización Mundial de Comercio (OMC) y de la Conferencia de Naciones Unidas sobre Comercio y Desarrollo (UNCTAD) la cual realiza a través de su proyecto Lege Carta (http://www.legecarta.net/) un estudio anual pormenorizado para determinar el grado de accesión de los diversos países a los tratados internacionales que regulan el comercio global.


Para entender mejor el tema y comprender por ende el porqué de la negativa situación, debe aclararse que la evaluación no se realiza sobre la base de los conocidos Tratados de Libre Comercio (TLC) sino más bien en la promoción directa del comercio internacional a través de tratados que regulan particularmente las relaciones entre empresas y personas dedicadas a actividades comerciales internacionales. El enfoque es por ello más dirigido al estudio de la ratificación de los tratados de derecho internacional privado en el campo comercial aunque se incluyen igualmente los intrumentos regulatorios del ámbito público del comercio internacional.


El estudio del ITC muestra a Costa Rica en la posición 123 de 193 países analizados en relación con el número de instrumentos ratificados, así como en en la posición 104 en relación con la puntuación por “importancia” de cada tratado ratificado. Lo peor de ésto, no es solamente la muy baja calificación global sino los datos que se muestran en la comparación con la región centroamericana en la que el país sale con números rojos en la totalidad de los casos. Veamos la siguiente explicación para comprender mejor lo expuesto:


El análisis del ICT se basa como se ha explicado en 2 aspectos los cuales son en primer lugar un análisis meramente numérico de ratificación de instrumentos comerciales internacionales y en segundo lugar un estudio sobre la relevancia de cada instrumento ratificado. En ambos casos Costa Rica sale bastante mal tanto global como regionalmente (ver http://www.legacarta.net/country_details.php?entity_id=65) En el primer punto, sea el número de instrumentos ratificados se encuentra que Costa Rica únicamente ha accesido a 66 de 240 tratados relevantes. Mientras el promedio global es de ratificación de 84 instrumentos el número baja a 77 en la región centroamericana. Como se observa, Costa Rica se encuentra por debajo incluso del promedio regional. Esto le otorga una posición poco privilegiada en ambos casos, relegándose a los puestos 123 (de 193 países) en el mundo y 7 (de 8) países, únicamente arriba de Belice. En el segundo caso, sea el de ranking por puntaje, se otorga al país una evaluación de 31.98 puntos lo cual en comparación con el promedio mundial de 35.86 y el regional de 35.36 no es muy halagador. Es en éste caso que Costa Rica aparece en el número 104 del mundo (de 193 países) y de número 6 en la región (de 8 países) superando solamente a Nicaragua y Belice.


La poca anuencia del país a participar en importantes instituciones internacionales como UNCITRAL, UNIDROIT, las Conferencias de La Haya de Derecho Internacional Privado y las Conferencias Interamericanas de Derecho Internacional Privado, refleja precisamente el porqué de las pésimas calificaciones. Lo cierto es que a través de éstos órganos se presenta la mayor parte de discusión mundial relativa a tratados relavantes en materia comercial y es por ello que al obviar Costa Rica ser parte de las mismas, ha evitado posicionar al país de mejor manera en ésta temática en particular. El comercio internacional no se promueve únicamente a través de TLC's o participación en la OMC y éste punto es clave para comprender las razones del mal posicionamiento del país. Lo peor es que al no participar Costa Rica en las discusiones sobre los diversos instrumentos internacionales creados en éste ámbito, se está perdiendo la oportunidad de ser un agente importante en la creación de reglas mundiales sobre el comercio internacional.


Convenciones sobre temas como franquicias, compraventas, factoring, cesión de créditos, principios comerciales, litigio, todos los anteriores en el ámbito internacional, así como el tema del derecho aplicable, han sido dejados de lado por Costa Rica cuando el mundo entero debate sobre el conteido de las normas que aplican a éstas transacciones globales. Por ello la mala nota otorgada al país, de la cual será fácil recuperarse de aceptar el gobierno el participar en las instituciones mencionadas de manera activa y dinámica.






Obama es preferido en el "resto del mundo"

All 22 countries in a BBC World Service poll would prefer Democratic nominee Barack Obama elected US president instead of his Republican rival John McCain. Obama is preferred by a four to one margin on average across the 22,000 people polled.

The margin in favour of Obama ranges from just 9 per cent in India to 82 per cent in Kenya. On average 49 per cent prefer Obama to 12 per cent preferring McCain. Nearly four in ten do not take a position.

The poll also explored the expected impact of the US election. In 17 of the 22 countries surveyed the most common view is that, if Barack Obama is elected president, America’s relations with the rest of the world are likely to get better. If John McCain is elected, the most common view in 19 countries is that relations will stay about the same as they are now.

On average 46 per cent think that US relations with the world would get better with Obama, 22 per cent that relations would stay the same, and 7 per cent that they would get worse. However only 20 per cent think relations would get better under McCain. The largest number - 37 per cent - think relations under a McCain presidency would stay the same and 16 per cent think they would get worse.

The countries most optimistic that an Obama presidency would improve relations are America’s NATO allies - Canada (69%), France (62%), Germany (61%), United Kingdom (54%), Italy (64%) - as well as Australia (62%) and the African countries Kenya (87%) and Nigeria (71%).

Despite the preference for an Obama victory in all countries, significant proportions in several said they do not favor either candidate, favour both equally or do not know which would be preferable. This was particularly the case in Russia, where 75 per cent do not express a preference between the candidates, but also in Turkey (63%) and Egypt (61%).

[snip]

The countries with the largest majorities favouring Obama as US president are Kenya (87%), Italy (76%), France (69%), Australia (67%), Canada (66%), and Germany (65%). While no country has more favouring McCain, in five countries the largest numbers do not take a position either way and thus the per cent in favour of Obama is fairly small. These include Russia (18% for Obama), Singapore (29%), Turkey (26%), India (24%), and Egypt (26%)

lunes, 25 de agosto de 2008

Russia vs. Georgia 2

NON-PAPER
GEORGIA IN STATE OF WAR WITH THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION
Note: This is a brief document that summarizes the facts that took place during the last days on the territory of Georgia. This paper focuses on the qualification of the current facts with respect to the situation between Russian Federation and Georgia as of August 9, 2008. This document represent a copyright of a small group of Students from Georgia, who remain solely responsible to all interpretation given to the facts in context of Jus Ad Bellum and Jus in Bello and does not represent an official opinion of any Government, Institution or Agency.
Introduction
In the last couple of days the situation in Georgia has dramatically changed. Currently Georgia is in State of War. Namely, in violation with the principles enshrined in the UN Charter, the Russian Federation has used force against the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Georgia, thus forcing Georgia to act in self-defense in accordance with requirements given in article 51 of the UN Charter. It is also contended, that Georgia is in situation of an international armed conflict with the Russian Federation which governed by the relevant rules of the International Humanitarian Law and unfortunately, the Russian Federation is committing grave violation of the rules of humanitarian law by targeting civilian population and cities, rather than directing its attacks against military objective.
Factual Situation on Grounds
From early hours of August 8, the armed attack was launched against Georgia by Russian Federation. The territory next to South Ossetia (Tskinvali Regions) in particular cities of Gori, Kareli and nearby villages, were bombed. In particular two SU 24 type fighter jets violated the airspace, intruded into the territory of Georgia from Russian Federation and bombed radar station located in Gori region. A missile was also dropped in the village of Variani as a result of which 7 persons were injured. Around 11:30 a.m. four SU 24 fighter jets entered the airspace of Georgia. 2 bombs were dropped at the police office building in Kareli, as a result of which several persons were injured.
Moreover since the 7th of August 2008, 3 columns consisting of hundreds of armed personnel as well as tens of heavy armed vehicles were entering region of Georgia - South Ossetia, via Rocki tunnel, from the Russian Federation.
From the second part of the day (8th of August 2008), following cities have been bombed by the fighter jets entering territory of Georgia from the Russian Federation:
City of Gori and nearby areas;
Black Sea Port Poti;
Upper Abkhazian territory;
Villages such as Senaki, Khoni and Oni;
There are casualties among civilian population in all the aforementioned places, as the bombing has been directed towards the cities and villages per se indiscriminately. Currently, according to official information 57 civilians had been killed in course of the hostilities.
The aforementioned facts have been preceded by an escalated situation in the Tskhinvali Region of Georgia from 1st of August 2008, when the attacks have been carried out by the representatives of the Separatist regime of South Ossetia (Tskinvali Region). Georgian villages – Upper and Lower Niqozi, Avnevi, Ergneti and Eredvi were subjected to the heavy fire from machine-guns and grenades. The fire was lead in the direction of check-points of Georgian peacekeepers and police. As a result of an intensive shelling, 6 civilians were injured, houses destroyed. Attacks continued on 5-6 of August, when fire from machineguns and grenades were opened at Georgian village Nulli and Georgia and police checkpoint respectively. On August 7 separatists once again attacked Georgian villages Eredvi, Frisi, Avnevi, dvani and Nulli, as a result of which 2 Georgian peacekeepers were wounded. Later that day the attacks were continued.
The Russian Federation under the pretext of its right to “self-defense of its nationals abroad” decided to enter the territory of Georgia from early hours of 8 of August 2008. Its claims are based on the fact, that the population of the Tskhinvali Region in recent hears has received the citizenship of the Russian Federation. However, currently, as noted above, the military operation by the Russian armed forces are carried out outside the Tskhinvali region and include bombing of the cities of Georgia near the capital Tbilisi as well as of cities and villages that are hundreds of kilometers away from the Tskhinvali Region.
PART ON JUS AD BELLUM
The Russian Federation has violated the Principles on the Prohibition of the Use of Force and has carried out Acts of AGRESSION
Russia Violated the Principles of the UN Charter and carried out Act of Aggression
The Russian has argued in the course of last two days that it has been acting in accordance with the principles of international law, namely it has been acting in self-defense and entered to territory of Georgia in order to defend its citizens/nationals on the territory of South Ossetia, Georgia. It shall be noted, that South Ossetia (Tkshinvali Region) is part of Georgia that has been under control of the separatist regime supported by the Russian Federation.
First it is retained that acts of the Russian Federation constitute violation of the prohibition of the use of force ad constitutes act of an agreesion. And second, the acts of the Russian Federation cannot be justified under the self-defense, either under the treaty law or customary rules of international law.
Article 2 paragraph 4 of the UN Charter stipulates that “All Members shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state, or in any other manner inconsistent with the Purposes of the United Nations.” As it is clarified by authoritative scholar Simma in A Commentary to the UN Charter, the prohibition includes any use of armed force, even small and temporary operations that do not result in any deprivation of territory. The Russian Federation has been carrying out armed attack against Georgia since early morning of 8 August 2008, by carry out targeted bombing of various regions of Georgia.
It is noteworthy that there are certain exceptions to the prohibition of the use of force strictly defined by the UN Charter. Namely, the legitimate use of Self-defence under Article 51 is one of such exceptions. Another exception is actions mandated by the Security Council under Chapter VII of the Charter. The former is argued by Russian as a lawful ground for use of force and the legal arguments are given below. The latter is not relevant to the given facts and thus not discussed.
In addition, it represents a typical example of intervention that goes against the territorial integrity and political independence of Georgia1.
According to the Article 1 of the 1974 Resolution 3314 on the Definition of Aggression, “Aggression is the use of armed force by a State against the sovereignty, territorial integrity or political independence of another State, or in any other manner inconsistent with the Charter of the United Nations”. The definition almost repeats the wording of article 2.4 of the UN Charter. The difference lies within the term “armed force” inserted and the “threat” of use of force omitted. It is thus evident that according to the definition proposed by the resolution, unlike article 2.4 of the UN charter, aggression takes place only in case an “armed force” is used and the “threat of use of force” does not constitute aggression under international law.
The Resolution contains seven provisions defined as aggression:
Invasion or attack by armed forces of one State upon another State, occupation or annexation resulting from this;
Bombardment or the use of any weapons by one State against another State;
Blockade of ports or coasts of one State by armed forces of another State.
Attack on armed forces of one State by armed forces of another State;
Using a State’s armed forces within another State, when this presence is with the agreement of the receiving State, but when the usage is contrary to the terms agreed upon or the presence is for a longer time period than agreed upon;
One State allowing another State to use its territory for perpetrating acts of aggression against a third State;
Sending armed bands, groups, irregulars or mercenaries into another State to carry out acts of force amounting to acts of aggression as they are defined above or substantial involvement therein.2
The acts listed in article 3 are not exhaustive and according to the article 4 the SC has discretion to consider other acts as acts of aggression under the provisions of the UN Charter.
It is evident from the current situation in the territory of Georgia that the actions of the Russian Federation clearly amount to the acts of aggression. From early hours of August 8 territory next to South Ossetia in particular cities of Gori, Kareli and nearby villages, were bombed. The Russian Federation’s clear aggression leads to the sorrowful results for Georgia Moreover, even today, when Georgia is still ready for the peaceful negotiations, the Russian Federation continues bombing Georgian territory
Russian can not lawfully invoke right of self-defense as legal grounds for intervention in Georgia
Under treaty law, Article 51 of the UN Charter recognizes the inherent right of self-defence. The right to self-defence enshrined in Article 51 applies to cases where an “armed attack” occurs against a Member of the United Nations.3 The exercise of this right is subject to the State concerned having been the victim of an armed attack.4 Existence of prior armed attack carried out by state against a state is essential.5 In order to be legitimate, a military action carried out in self-defence must meet the requirements of necessity (no other alternative action is possible) and proportionality (the response is proportionate to redress the initial attack).
Not all violations of article 2.4 of the UN Charter constitute an “armed attack”. The latter only exists when force is used on a relatively large scale and with substantial effect. 6 ICJ stated in the Nicaragua case: “[...] an armed attack must be [...] of such gravity as to amount to” an actual armed attack”7
It is argued that the Russian Federation may not invoke the principle of self-defence since the incidents in the region of South Ossetia, which constitutes an integral part of Georgia and is recognized as such by the international community, did not constitute an “armed attack” of Georgia against the Russian Federation. In addition, it is submitted that the military action of the Russian Federation did not meet the requisite of necessity since other diplomatic means were available in order to redress the issue and of proportionality, as far as the military operation carried out by the Russian Federation affected and caused damage to the whole territory of Georgia on which casualties were fixed among the civilian population and civilian objects.
Self-defense in customary international law is based on the "Caroline Doctrine," which established the state's right to use force in order to defend itself against real and imminent threats that require immediate response in circumstances where all peaceful means of resolving the dispute have been exhausted and the response is essential and proportional to the threat8.
It is argued that the Russian Federation cannot invoke its customary right to self-defence since:
The Russian Federation has not faced the real and imminent threat leading to self-defence. The confrontations in the region of South Ossetia, which was caused by the Russian Federation itself, posed real and imminent threat to Georgia;
Even if there existed any kind of threat to the Russian Federation, it has not exhausted all peaceful means for the settlement of the dispute, as far as even today, when Georgia is ready for the peaceful negotiations, the Russian Federation continues bombing Georgian territory.
Russian can not justify its act under the pretext of “Protection of Its National Abroad”
Russian Federation has been threatening Georgia to use force “for the protection of its nationals” in the Georgian two breakaway regions of Abkhazia and Tskhinvali Region.
It is argued, that international law does not recognize the legality of use of force for the protection of the “nationals abroad” as such and existing practice shows that, States have argued the right to protection nationals abroad within the context of the right of self-defence9.
Furthermore, the International Law Commission in its First Report on Diplomatic Protection of 2000, approved by the General Assembly by its resolution, emphasized that the state practice in combination with the prohibition of use of force under Article 2(4) of the UN Charter outlaws use of force under the pretexts of diplomatic protection. The only exception to this provision, permitting the unilateral use of force by States, is Article 51, which deals with the right of self-defense10. The illegality of Russia’s possible invocation of the right to self-defense has been discussed above.
Thus, any use of force by the Russian Federation against Georgia can only be categorized as an illegal armed reprisal, which is clearly prohibited under international law11.
PART ON JUS IN BELLO
International Humanitarian Law (IHL) is Applicable to the State of War in Georgia and Parties to the Conflict Should Comply with Respective Rules of IHL
IHL is Applicable to the Current State of War whatever the Argument of the Russian Federation can be under the Rules of Jus Ad Bellum
It is contends that the on-going activities fall under the legal frameworks of the law of armed conflicts, i.e. international humanitarian law (IHL) and the treatment of the persons as well as conduct of hostilities are regulated by the well defined rules and principles of IHL.
In addition it shall be noted that the purpose of IHL is to limit the suffering caused by war by protecting and assisting its victims as far as possible. IHL also known under the term Jus in Bello therefore addresses the reality of a conflict without considering the reasons for or legality of resorting to force. It regulates only those aspects of the conflict which are of humanitarian concern. IHL applies irrespective of the reasons for the conflict – whether the force used was legitimate in accordance with the principles of UN Charter (under law of Jus ad Bellum).
IHL is intended to protect war victims and their fundamental rights, no matter to which party they belong. That is why IHL (Jus In Bello) must remain independent of law on the use of force or law on the prevention of war (Jus Ad Bellum).
Applicable Regime under IHL governing situation between Georgia and the Russian Federation is the Laws of an International Armed Conflict
It is argued that the existing situation, since August 7 2008 amounts to an international armed conflict as defined and governed by Common Article 2 of the Four Geneva Conventions of 1949. Paragraph 1 of the Common Article 2 declares “…the present Convention shall apply to all cases of declared war or of any other armed conflict which may arise between two or more of the High Contracting Parties, even if the state of war is not recognized by one of them”. Formally, Common Article 2 determines two requirements for the application of the Four Geneva Conventions of 1947. First, that there shall be an armed conflict between two or more High Contracting Parties – that is between States that are parties (ratified/acceded) to the Geneva Conventions. And second, there is no need for formal declaration of war. Therefore, any declaration on behalf of the Russian authorities that there is no
As to what amount actually to an armed conflict the respectful Commentary of the International Committee of the Red Cross as well as Opinion Paper issued by the International Commission of the Red Cross in March 2008 noted, that international armed conflict occurs when one or more States have recourse to armed force against another States regardless of the reasons and intensity of the confrontation. It depends on the factual conditions – what actually happens on the ground12.
In addition, according to the well-established practice of the International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia “an armed conflict exists whenever there is a resort to armed force between States or protracted armed violence between governmental authorities and organized armed groups or between such groups within a State”13. The Commentators and Legal experts also concerted that “…as soon as the armed forces of one State find themselves with wounded or surrendering members of the armed forces or civilians of another State on their hands, as soon as they detain prisoners or have actual control over a part of the territory of the enemy State, then they must comply with the relevant convention"14.
There is an international armed conflict within the meaning of Common Article 2 of the Geneva Conventions of 1949 between Georgia and the Russian Federation due to the factual circumstances on the ground cited above. The aforementioned facts clearly indicate direct involvement of the Russian armed forces into the conduct of hostilities on the territory of Georgia that constitutes an international armed conflict between Georgia and the Russian Federation and triggers application of the Four Geneva Conventions of 1949 to which both Georgia and the Russian Federation are parties to15.
Persons shall be Protected in accordance with the IHL
According to IHL, the persons in situation of an international armed conflict fall under protection of the Four Geneva Conventions of 1949, namely:
Geneva Convention I for the Amelioration of the Condition of the Wounded and Sick in the Armed Forces in the Field;
Geneva Convention II for the Amelioration of the Condition of the Wounded, Sick and Shipwrecked Members of the Armed Forces at Sea;
Geneva Convention III Relative for the Treatment of Prisoner of War;
Geneva Convention IV Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Times of War;
As well as Additional Protocol I of 1977;
Under international humanitarian law, no one has an intermediate status – everyone in enemy hands must have some definite status, either a "prisoner-of-war…covered by the Third Geneva Convention," or a "civilian covered by the Fourth Geneva Convention."16
Parties to the Conflict shall Abide to the Principles and Rules Governing Conduct of Hostilities in accordance with IHL – Russian Federation violates Principles of Distinction
The law governing the conduct of hostilities regulates military operations by prohibiting or limiting certain attacks as well as the use of certain arms. The law of conduct of hostilities is based on a certain number of general rules codified in Additional Protocol I as well as regarded part of customary law.
First, the right of the parties to an armed conflict to choose means and methods of warfare is not unlimited17. Second, the means and methods of combat of a nature to cause superfluous injury or unnecessary suffering are prohibited18. And third, the respect for principle of distinction shall be upheld. Namely19:
Distinction between civilians and combatants;
Distinction between civilian objects and military objectives;
Prohibition of indiscriminate attacks;
Proportionality in attack;
Precautions in attack;
Precautions against the effects of attacks.
In addition all participants to an armed conflict to retain following:
The prohibition on declaring that no quarter will be given, or that there will be no survivors.20
Prohibition of attacks against persons hors de combat, or those no longer participating in hostilities;21
The prohibition of perfidy;22
The facts on the ground already show that the Russian Air Forces have violated the fundamental principles governing the conduct of hostilities as the bombing has been carried out with respect to the civilian objects. Hence, during last two days the main target of attack have been cities and villages populated by civilians and not representing military objects. As a result of these attacks houses and other property have been destroyed and tens of casualties among civilians are registered. These activities represent a flagrant violation of the principles mentioned above.
All Parties to an International Armed Conflict should comply with the rules and principles of International Humanitarian Law and with the Requirements of Humanity
We call upon all parties to an international armed conflict as well as members of the international community “to respect and ensure respect of application” of IHL norms in the conflict region in accordance with the requirements of the Common Article 1 of the Four Geneva Conventions of 1949, the State Parties to the said Conventions are under a legal obligation to implement in a good faith23.
In particular, we urge all parties apart from the specific rights and obligations envisaged in the relevant articles of the Four Geneva Conventions of 1949 and Additional Protocols I and II, it would comply with the fundamental guarantees enshrined in Common Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions. Common article 3 is like a “convention in miniature”, frequently sited list includes basic rules of humanitarian law applicable in armed conflict24, known as “elementary consideration of humanity” deriving from the “principles of humanity and the dictates of public conscience” embedded in Common Article 325, which has been recently categorized as minimum core of mandatory rules… reflecting the most universally recognized humanitarian principles26.
Paragraph I of the Common Article 3 provides in imperative manner humane treatment without discrimination to all persons taking no active part in hostilities, including the members of armed forces who have laid down their arms and those places hors de combat by sickness, wound, detention or any other cause. This paragraph includes list of acts that shall remain prohibited at any time and in any place with respect to abovementioned persons - as such, it allows no deviation from the following minimum prohibition:
the violence to life and person, in particular murder of all kinds, mutilation, cruel treatment and torture;
taking of hostages;
outrages upon personal dignity, in particular humiliating and degrading treatment;
the passing of sentence and the carrying out of executions without previous judgment pronounced by a regularly constituted court, affording all the judicial guarantees which are recognized as indispensable by civilized peoples.
Paragraph II in general terms notes the obligation to collect and care for wounded and sick.
1 See 1965 Declaration on the Inadmissibility of Intervention in the Domestic Affairs, General Assembly Resolution 2131 (XX0; Corfu Channel Case, ICJ Reports, 1949, pp. 4 &35;
2 G.A. Res. 3314 (XXIX), UN GAOR, 29th Session, UN Document A/9631 (1974). Available at: http://daccessdds.un.org/doc/RESOLUTION/GEN/NR0/739/16/IMG/NR073916.pdf?OpenElement
article 3.
3
 Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, Advisory Opinion, ICJ Reports (2004), para. 139 at 194; L. Henkin, How Nations Behave (2nd ed., Columbia University Press, 1979), at 141-145; A. Cassese, The Current Legal Regulation Of The Use Of Force (Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 1986) at 9-38.
4
 Nicaragua case, ICJ Reports 1986, para. 195.
5
 Palestinian Wall Case, Advisory Opinion, para. 139.
6
 A. Randelzhofer, “Article 51”, in B. Simma (ed.), The Charter of the United Nations, A Commentary (2nd Ed., Vol. I, Oxford University Press, 2002), at 801.
7 Nicaragua case, supra note, para. 195, at 103.
8 Carolina Case, 29 BFSP, p. 1137;
9 M. Shaw, International Law, 5th ed., Cambridge, pp. 132-133; See also W. Gilmore, The Grenada Intervention, London, 1984, p. 1042; C.J. Greenwood, International Law and the United States’ Air Operation against Libya, 89 West Virginia Law Review, 1987, p. 933;
10 International Law Commission, 52nd Session, First Report on Diplomatic Protection, by Mr. John Dugard, Special Rapporteur on Draft Articles, A/CN.4/506, 7 March 2000;
11 SCOR, 19th Year, 111th meeting, 8 April 1964; Legality of the Threat or Use of Nuclear Weapons , ICJ Reports, 1996, pp. 226 & 246; R.B. Lillich, Forcible Self-Help and International Law, 62 US Naval War College International Law Studies, 1980, p. 129;
12 The Commentary of the Geneva Conventions of 1949 confirms that
“any difference arising between two States and leading to the intervention of armed forces is an armed conflict within the meaning of Article 2, even if one of the Parties denies the existence of a state of war. It makes no difference how long the conflict lasts, or how much slaughter takes place"
J. Pictet, Commentary on the Geneva Convention for the Amelioration of the Condition of the Wounded and Sick in Armed Forces in the Field, ICRC, Geneva, 1952, p. 32; See also How is the Term "Armed Conflict" Defined in International Humanitarian Law? International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC)Opinion Paper, March 2008 found at http://www.icrc.org/web/eng/siteeng0.nsf/htmlall/armed-conflict-article-170308/$file/Opinion-paper-armed-conflict.pdf
13 PROSECUTOR v. DUSKO TADIC a/k/a "DULE" DECISION ON THE DEFENCE MOTION FOR INTERLOCUTORY APPEAL ON JURISDICTION, Decision of October 2, 1995, para. 70; D. Schindler, The different Types of Armed Conflicts According to the Geneva Conventions and Protocols, RCADI, Vol. 163, 1979-II, p. 131;
14 H.P. Gasser, International Humanitarian Law: an Introduction, in: Humanity for All: the International
Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement, H. Haug (ed.), Paul Haupt Publishers, Berne, 1993, p. 510-
511;
15 Georgia acceded to the Geneva Conventions and Additional Protocol I and II of 1977 on 14.09.1993. The Russian Federation has been party to the Four Geneva Convention of 1949 in 10.05.1954, and Additional Protocol I and II in 29.02.1989;
16 Commentary to the Geneva Convention IV, p. 51; The Prosecutor v. Delalic and Others, Trial Chamber, IT-96-21-T, para. 271;
17 Article 35(1) of the Additional Protocol I;
18 Article 35(2), of the Additional Protocol I;
19 See Articles 51, 57 and 58 of the Additional Protocol I;
20 Article 40 of the Additional Protocol I makes it a violation to command that there will be no survivors, to so threaten to the enemy (for example, in order to hasten his surrender) or to conduct hostilities in such a fashion. The requirement of an unconditional surrender by one Party to the conflict to its adversary may not under any pretext mean a refusal of quarter. It follows that, quoting from the commentaries to Protocol I, that “an order of “liquidation” is prohibited, whether it concerns commandos, political or any other kind of commissars, irregular troops or so-called irregular troops, saboteurs, parachutists, mercenaries or persons considered to be mercenaries, or other cases. It is not only the order to put them to death that is prohibited, but also the threat and the execution, with or without orders”.
21 Article 41 of Protocol I defines a person as 'hors de combat' if :(a) he is in the power of an adverse Party; (b) he clearly expresses an intention to surrender; or (c) he has been rendered unconscious or is otherwise incapacitated by wounds or sickness, and therefore is incapable of defending himself; provided that in any of these cases he abstains from any hostile act and does not attempt to escape. The Commentaries to article 41 clearly indicate that this rule protects both regular and irregular combatants, those whose status is in doubt or even simple civilians. The Commentaries further specify that there are no exceptions and that respect for the rule extends equally to the civilian population, who must also – along with the combatants – respect the persons 'hors de combat'.
22 Acts inviting the confidence of an adversary to lead him to believe that he is entitled to provide, or is obliged to accord, protection under the rules of international law applicable in armed conflict, when such acts are done with the intent to betray that confidence. The prohibition of perfidy is not absolute, but limited to cases where it is used to kill, injure or capture an enemy.
23 L. Boisson Chazournes and L. Condorelli, Common article 1 of the Geneva Conventions revisited: Protecting collective interests, 31-03-2000 International Review of the Red Cross No. 837, p. 67-87; See also U. Palanwankar, Measures available to states for fullfiling their obligation to ensure respect for humanitarian law, 28-02-1994 International Review of the Red Cross no 298, p.9-25;
24 M. Sassoli, State Responsibility for Violations of Humanitarian Law, 84 International Red Cross Review, 2002, p. 413-414;
25 Nicaragua Case, para 218; Corfu Channel Case, 1949, ICJ Reports, p. 22; Legality of the threat or use of nuclear weapons: advisory opinion, ICJ Reports 1996, para. 79; Kupreskic, IT-95-16-T, 14 January 2000, paras. 518-9;
26 The Prosecutor v. Zejnil Delalic et al., Judgment, Case No. IT-96-21-A, 20 February 2001, para 143;

Russia vs. Georgia 1

RESPONSE TO MR. IVANOV’S INTERVIEW ON CNN OF AUGUST 11, 2008
Note: This paper represents a response to the interview of the Deputy Prime-Minister of the Russian Federation Mr. Ivanov. Cynical tenor of the interview demonstrated a clear misinterpretation and disregard of internationally recognized norms and practices in international law. The current legal stand taken by the Russian Federation sets an extremely dangerous precedent and imperils progressive development and proper application of international law at the same time running counter to the sole and spirit of international legal order. The paper was prepared by group of students and does not in any way reflect the official position of the Government of Georgia.
Tbilisi, August 12, 2008
Introduction
On 11 August 2008, Deputy Prime-Minister of the Russian Federation gave a televised interview on CNN during which he accused Georgia of genocide and claimed that the Russian Federation was carrying out a peace-enforcement operation and was protecting its nationals. It is clear that the submissions of Mr. Ivanov are based on misinterpretation of facts as well as erroneous legal arguments. The speech was intended to be a propaganda aimed at misleading the international community and disguise an apparent fact of aggression against Georgia which stands as clear retaliation for Georgia’s aspiration for sovereignty, democracy and western values. This paper tries to respond to unjustified arguments put forward by Mr. Ivanov and unmask the act of aggression on the part of the Russian Federation that is still ongoing at the time of writing.
Georgia Was Acting Pursuant to its Right of Self-defense as Proclaimed by the UN Charter and Customary International Law
Mr. Ivanov, with a bright smile on his face, accused Georgia of conducting attack against South Ossetia and the Russian Federation. The facts on ground document an opposite. It should be mentioned at the outset that South Ossetia has historically been an integral part of the Georgian territory as recognized by the international community. The territory has however been under de facto control of separatists backed by the Russian Federation. From early July onwards Georgian villages, official forces and peacekeepers were under constant and intensive attack from the separatist forces. The separatists used fire-arms, grenades, tanks, artillery as well as different types of mines against the officials of the Government of Georgia as well as peaceful population. Kidnapping of the officers of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Georgia has been a widespread occurrence as well. Dozens of casualties were reported among the peaceful population.
The Russian Federation was actively supporting separatists by armed supplies, trainings, logistic, etc. The Russian Officials held highest governmental posts in self-proclaimed government of South Ossetia. As a result, the support provided by the Russian peacekeepers to carry out attacks on Georgian police and civilian population in the conflict zone clearly qualifies as “substantial involvement” within the meaning of the famous holding of Nicaragua. Hence, Russian Federation is directly implicated in the above-mentioned attacks on the Georgian villages. Consequently, the only available measure for Georgia was to invoke its right of individual self-defense under Article 51 of the UN Charter. Thus the military attack on Georgian civilian population, police forces and Georgian peacekeepers in Tskhinvali region unequivocally falls within concept of armed attack as proclaimed by the ICJ in the Iranian Oil Platforms as well as in Congo case. The factual circumstances further suggest continuous nature of the attack against Georgia’s territorial integrity and political independence. The use of force by Georgia met the standard of “necessity” and “last resort” since it was carried out only after the public call for peace and cooperation by the President of Georgia. In particular, on the eve of 8 August 2008, President of Georgia Mikhael Saakashvili in his televised speech addressed the nation, the people of Tskhinvali Region, separatist de facto authorities, the Russian Federation and international community at large to help putting an end to the ongoing violence. Moreover, the President reiterated desire of Georgian state of peaceful resolution of the conflict with full protection of the interest of ethnic Ossetians and expressed readiness to have the meeting in any format to start the dialogue. Earlier, the Minister of Reintegration of Georgia Mr. Temur Iakobashvili went to Tskhinvali to meet personally the Chief Negotiator Chochiev (South Ossetian de facto authority) and the commander of the Russian peacekeeping forces General Kulakhmetov.
In the morning of 8 August 2008, President Saakashvili called upon Russian Federation to withdraw its officials serving in the Tskhinvali separatist government (i.e. V. Lunev – Minister of Defense; M. Mindzaev – Interior Minister; A. Barnkevich – Secretary of Security Council; I Morozov – Prime Minister) and let the situation stabilize. Despite the call on peace and cooperation made at the highest political level of the Georgian government, the armed attacks against Georgian villages continued. The de facto President, Eduard Kokoiti officially declared war against Georgia in the afternoon of 8 August 2008. Kokoiti’s declaration of war as well as the attacks in question resulted from the activity of the Russian peacekeepers in the region being under exclusive and direct command of the Russian Federation. Stemming from the above-mentioned, Georgia had no other means but to resort to armed force with a view to repelling the armed attacks against it. Hence, resort to military force in the face of real and immediate threat to the survival of the nation was clearly legitimate, as well as implemented in full compliance with international law.
Claim that Georgia Committed Genocide and Ethnic Cleansing Is without Factual and Legal Arguments and Is Put Forward as a Means to Downplay the Act of Aggression Committed by the Russian Federation
The accusation by Mr. Ivanov that Georgian forces committed genocide and ethnic cleansing is a total lie aimed at misleading the international community. It must be noted as a preliminary matter that it was the Georgian population that was subjected to ethnic cleansing in South Ossetia in early nineties. This act was carried out by the separatist forces with the support of the Russian Federation and gave rise to thousands of displacements from South Ossetian region. The response from Georgian armed forces was fully in line with the requirements of laws of war, namely the fundamental principle of distinction and proportionality. Thus, the fire was used exclusively against military objects, while resulting civilian casualties was limited to military necessity and proportionate to the military advantage sought to be achieved.
It must be also mentioned that the actions of the Georgian government in South Ossetia were not motivated by special intention to “destroy in whole or in part” a specific ethnic group which is necessary to qualify an act of genocide, but rather the necessity to protect the Georgian population of the conflict zone from the attacks of the separatists. It can be confirmed by the efforts of the Georgian government to resolve the conflict with separatists by peaceful means during the recent period. Georgian forces launched the operation in the region only in response to the prior attacks by the separatists against Georgian villages within the conflict zone. The clearest indication of the preference of the Georgian government to solve the conflict through peaceful negotiations has been the statement of the President Saakashvili on 7 August 2008 before the above mentioned operation was launched, ordering Georgian forces to cease fire and urging separatists to engage in peace talks for the resolution of the conflict, promising amnesty for crimes possibly committed. On August 8, after launching the offensive, Georgia declared a three-hour cease-fire to allow civilians to leave Tskhinvali by creating a humanitarian corridor. Besides, the Georgian government expressed its willingness to accept internally displaced persons on its territory and provide necessary humanitarian assistance. These factors serve as a clear indication that the actions of the Georgian government were never aimed at the destruction of ethnic Ossetian as such.
It should be also mentioned that the complex actions taken by the Government of Georgia over the years in the conflict region is an apparent proof to the fact that Georgia has never had any genocidal intents toward ethnic Ossetians. Over the years large part of ethnic Ossetians have been under the jurisdiction of Georgia. The President of Georgia ordered the creation of Temporary Administration for Southern Ossetia which was exclusively staffed by ethnic Ossetians, all the necessary measures have been created for ethnic Ossetians to maintain their cultural and ethnic identity, schools, kinder gardens, etc.
Thus the accusations of Mr. Ivanov is far from truth and is part of dirty propaganda to and used as a pretext to justify aggressive actions on the part of the Russian Federation.
As for today it the troops of the Russian Federation that are carrying out the policy of ethnic cleansing in the villages of conflict region. Arbitrary killings of ethnic Georgians are carried out on mass scale. Modern type concentration camps are set up and the civilians are subjected to killings and inhuman treatment.
The Claims of the Russian Federation Carrying Out Peace-enforcement Operation and Protection of Citizens of the Russian Federation is without any Legal Grounds and Constitutes an Apparent Act of Aggression
According to Mr Ivanov, the aim of Russian forces is enforcement of peace and protection of the rights of Russian citizens and for this purpose they target only military objectives.
(i) Peace-enforcement: From the perspective of the legality of the use of force, it is necessary to underline the arguable validity of justification advanced by the Russian Federation for the use of force against Georgia, i.e. peace-enforcement lacks an independent basis under the international legal framework. There are only two justifications for the use of force under the UN Charter framework: self-defense under Article 51 and Chapter VII enforcement measures. Even if this pretext is viewed within the ambit of the right of self-defense, it would not satisfy the requirements for the exercise of this right, i.e. presence of the “armed attack” as well as necessity and proportionality of response to such an attack. It is questionable whether the actions of the Georgian forces within South Ossetia which is the part of the territory of Georgia and not the Russian Federation would qualify as an armed attack against the Russian Federation.
Further, it is to be underlined that Russian fighter jets have targeted not only military objectives but also civilian objects, in violation of one of the cardinal principles of the international humanitarian law, the principle of distinction, aimed at distinguishing between these two categories of objectives and protecting civilian population. Even if one accepts that the purpose of the Russian forces is to enforce peace, this goal can hardly be achieved by targeting civilian population.
Ivanov denied that Russian troops were going far beyond the conflict zones, noting that they did not cross the administrative border between South Ossetia and Georgia. In fact, that Russian forces are not satisfied by the withdrawal of Georgian troops from the conflict zone of South Ossetia. On 9 August 2008 the President of Georgia declared cease-fire and Georgian forces left the territory of South Ossettia. Despite this Russian forces have occupied large parts of the Georgian territory and are carrying out massive bombings of Georgian cities throughout the country far from the conflict region. Cities of Poti, Kareli, Kaspi were subjected to intensive bombings despite the formal declaration of cease-fire from the President of the Russian Federation.
As for the parallels to the NATO bombing of Belgrade, first of all, this case significantly differs from the situation in Georgia, by the actions of the respective central government and the breakaway region as well as the scale of the humanitarian catastrophe that served as a ground for intervention and the presence of the Security Council prior reactions to that situation, calling on Yugoslavia to stop its actions.
(ii) Protection of national abroad: Russia cannot justify its use of force against Georgian state in pretext of the protection of its nationals abroad. Russia has been threatening Georgia to use force “for the protection of its nationals” in the Georgian two breakaway regions of Abkhazia and Tskhinvali. First and foremost, it is a separate violation of the international law (interference of domestic affairs prescribed by Article 2(7) of the UN Charter) by Russia to grant Russian passport of the people in the separatist regions for the sole purpose of artificial change of the composition of population. Russia cannot legally claim right to diplomatic protection over those persons, since despite the Russian internal legal regulations on citizenship the people residing in the Tskinvali Region have no genuine link with the Russian Federation that has been established to be necessary in order to exercise diplomatic protection over individuals as defined by the ICJ in the Nottebohm case (Lichtenstein v. Guatemala).
Moreover, international law does not recognize the legality of use of force for the protection of the “nationals abroad.” The ILC in its First Report on Diplomatic Protection of 2000, approved by the General Assembly by its resolution, emphasized that the state practice in combination with the prohibition of use of force under Article 2(4) of the UN Charter outlaws use of force under the pretexts of diplomatic protection. The only exception to this provision, permitting the unilateral use of force by States, is Article 51, which deals with the right of self-defense. The illegality of Russia’s possible invocation of the right to self-defense is discussed above.
Thus, any use of force by the Russian Federation against Georgia can only be categorized as an illegal armed reprisal, which is clearly prohibited under international law, inter alia, by the GA Resolution 2625 on Friendly Relations and Cooperation among Nations, by the ICJ in Nicaragua case in the Advisory Opinion on the Legality of Threat or Use of Nuclear Weapons and Article 50(1)(a) of the ILC Articles of State Responsibility. Moreover, Russia’s actions goes beyond the illegal armed reprisal and meets the standards of the international wrongful act of aggression as understood under the international law. Therefore, Russia should bear international legal responsibility for the measures taken against Georgia.

miércoles, 6 de agosto de 2008

Es necesario mejorar las reglas de derecho internacional privado

Uno de los grandes problemas que he notado en general en latinoamérica pero muy particularmente en Costa Rica, es la falta de implementaición de legislación moderna adaptada al entorno de las relaciones internacionales actuales. Específicamente en el campo del derecho internacional privado el interés es de regular de forma apropiada situaciones como las siguientes:
1- Comerciante extranjero haciendo negocios con comerciante costarricense en CR o fuera del país.
2- Comerciante extranjero haciendo negocios con comerciante extranjero en CR.
3- Patrono extranjero contratanto trabajadores en el extranjero para laborar en CR.
4- Relaciones de familia interculturales e internacionales (pareja tica-alemana por ejemplo).
5- Adopciones internacionales, aspectos civiles de la sustracción internacional de menores.
6- Aspectos sustantivos de la insolvencia transfronteriza de empresas.
7- Aspectos relacionados con contratos de consumo internacionales.

Ante estos siete ejemplos (y existen muchos más) lo cierto es que nuestro país no cuenta, con excepción del punto 5, con ningún tipo de regulación que de manera apropiada y específica resuelva los problemas de derecho aplicable y jurisdicción competente. Básicamente, a contrario de lo que hace el resto del mundo, a través de convenciones internacionales de entidades como UNICTRAL (http://www.uncitral.org/), UNIDROIT (http://www.unidroit.org/), las Conferencias de la Haya (http://www.hcch.net/),
CIDIP (http://www.oas.org/dil/esp/derecho_internacional_privado_conferencias.htm)
entre otras, Costa Rica ha postergado su ingreso al mundo globalizado de manera contradictoria, pues por un lado se ha venido hablando ya por mucho tiempo de la necesidad de inclusión del país en la realidad internacional, pero por el otro, en materia específica de implementación de medidas para la modernización del arcaico sistema legal no existe por parte de ningún partido político o bien del gobierno central (principal pero no único obligado) medida alguna que procure resolver los problemas que genera el no poseer un sistema adecuado de derecho adaptado a las particularidades y necesidades del entorno global.

El presente blog se encargará de hacer referencia técnica a una multiplicidad de temas relacionados con el derecho internacional privado y público. El interés principal es generar en aquellos lectores interesados, una motivación para impulsar el crecimiento de los países latinoamericanos para lograr así un mejor desarrollo de un bloque de naciones que requiere urgentemente evolucionar y dejar atrás los discursos meramente ideológicos para pasar a conformar un grupo de naciones modernas, con legislación de avanzada y un interés común de desarrollo. La utopía será siempre utopía si no hacemos algo al respecto. Por ello creo que un punto de partida es la crítica sobre los aspectos científico-legales que deben desarrollarse en nuestra región.

JJO

La E-Apostilla por dentro: de dónde sale y qué se puede esperar de ella

  El 14 de setiembre la Cancillería puso a funcionar la Plataforma de Apostilla Electrónica. Ya publiqué una nota breve con los pasos del tr...